Military to Protect U.S. Aid Teams in Iraq

Briefly, the Pentagon (Rumsfeld?) actually so wanted to draw down in Iraq that it wanted State Department to use private security companies. Military to Protect U.S. Aid Teams in Iraq:

The announcement followed months of disagreement between the Pentagon and the State Department over whether to use U.S. troops or private security guards to ensure the safety of dozens of diplomats, aid workers and other civilian specialists who would staff the new outposts. State has argued that the teams warrant U.S. military protection, but the Pentagon, eager to reduce the number of U.S. troops in Iraq, had resisted committing to the new mission.

Is the next step Rumsfeld pulling out Marines from guarding the US Naval Academy? Wait, that’s already been done. Perhaps pulling them out of all diplomatic posts? That might just be necessary just to protect the new Baghdad base, er, embassy.

Pentagon’s Chief Watchdog Joins Company that Owns Blackwater

Briefly, not sure how I missed this: Pentagon’s Chief Watchdog Joins Company that Owns Blackwater:

Joseph Schmitz, the Pentagon’s chief internal watchdog since March 2002, has quit to join a defense contractor involved in private security services, the Pentagon announced on Wednesday.

Schmitz will become chief operating officer and general counsel of McLean, Virginia-based Prince Group, which manufactures items on contract and owns Blackwater USA, a security consultant working in Iraq, said Lt. Col. Rose-Ann Lynch, a Defense Department spokeswoman.

Schmitz’s last day as Pentagon inspector general will be September 9, Lynch said. He headed investigations of a wide range of scandals, including a failed $23.5 billion Air Force deal with Boeing Co. to acquire refueling tankers, sexual assaults at the Air Force Academy and contracting abuses in postwar Iraq.

At Blackwater, Schmitz will be working with Cofer Black, a former State Department and CIA counterterrorism coordinator, who joined earlier this year as vice chairman.

Blackwater USA was founded in 1997 by a former U.S. Navy SEAL to provide flexible training and security worldwide. More than 18 of its employees have died in Iraq since the war began in March 2003.

Blackwater & Peacekeeping Operations

Recently, Blackwater announced that it was willing, and could, provide a brigade size force for humanitarian interventions (HI), such as is needed in Darfur. The Blackwater pronouncement (I think it goes beyond ‘announcement’) is largely based on Tim Spicer’s observation, as quoted in the Green Paper: "too often the major powers won’t intervene or delay until it’s too late." What might the Blackwater deployment look like and how might it work?

Continue reading “Blackwater & Peacekeeping Operations

Private Security Company Association Iraq

Briefly, old news for some and new for others. For your reference is the Private Security Company Association Iraq. PSCAI is the in-country trade association (loosely) comparable to the International Peace Operations Association (IPOA) and the British Association of Private Security Companies (BAPSC).

The Private Security Company Association of Iraq “PSCAI” is a non-profit organization formed and maintained to discuss and address matters of mutual interest and concern to the industry conducting operations in Iraq.

The PSCAI seeks to work closely with the Iraqi Government and foster a relationship of trust and understanding.

The PSCAI has a Plenary Meeting every three weeks or when required inside the International Zone in Baghdad. These meetings are usually attended by representatives from 30  PSCs operating in Iraq, Iraqi Ministry of Interior (MOI), US Embassy Regional Security Office (RSO), Joint Area Support Group Central (JASG-C) Security Directorate, Multi-National Division-Baghdad (MND-B), Reconstruction Operations Center (ROC) Directorate, USAF International Zone Police, Project & Contracting Office (PCO) Logistics, Logistics Movement Control Center (LMCC), and the Joint Contracting Command Iraq (JCCI).

Presently over 30 PSC members… Should be interesting to see how their roster changes as the US commitment changes.

Navy Won’t File Charges in Iraq Contractor Fracas

Briefly, the Zapata Engineering vs USMC clash may be over. From the Washington Post comes Navy Won’t File Charges in Iraq Contractor Fracas.

Military investigators said yesterday that they will not file any charges after completing their investigation into an incident in Iraq last May in which a group of Marines alleged they had been fired on by U.S. security contractors….

These men did nothing wrong. They were forced out of the country by the
Marines who in fact had engaged in conduct that was abusive to our own
citizens," Myers said. "I’m pleased that whatever cloud that was
hanging over those men is now removed, even if the Marine Corps will
not admit it made a mistake."

Apparently, the NCIS closed the case a long time ago, but the news is just surfacing now.

Prime time for PMCs

Private military companies hit primetime TV according to Starpulse News Blog:

Currently in its 16th season, "Law & Order" moves to its new time slot with a politically charged fictional case that questions the reason our country is at war. In "America, Inc.," Detectives Fontana (Dennis Farina) and Green (Jesse L. Martin) suspect vengeance is the motive behind the slaying of a private military contractor. The investigation soon leads the detectives to fellow commando, Kevin Boatman (guest star Pablo Schrieber), and the younger brother of a man who was murdered by Iraqi insurgents while under the victim’s questionable command. But as A.D.A. Jack McCoy (Sam Waterston) fights to keep a frightening video of the Iraqi execution out of court, he confronts unexpected political intrigue when more details are revealed about a recently captured terrorist. Annie Parisse, S. Epatha Merkerson and Fred Dalton Thompson also star.

The Nyala

Interesting, Canadian troops get new toy:

The U.S. military, which designates the vehicle as the RG-31 ‘Charger’, has 148 units on order. Other nations and organizations that use the RG-31 include Columbia, Rwanda, South Africa, the United Kingdom, the United Nations, and the infamous private military contractor Blackwater USA.

Hmm…. Columbia, Rwanda, S Africa, UK, UN, and… a PMC. I certainly don’t agree with the word "infamous" here, but it is interesting to put Blackwater on this list. Are they the only private enterprise to employ these vehicles? Certainly Blackwater is becoming more like a national military (it has stuff even the UN doesn’t: war memorial, air support, blimps, parachute team, etc), but to be included on this list?

ERSM Video Follow Up (Updated)

Following on the post about BIAP Road / Route IRISH video on this site, I was contacted by someone who knew and had served with in the military with one of the KIAs in the video. The loss of a buddy or a family member is difficult and reliving it on video may intensify those feelings. Our exchange over email prompts me to write this post (that and the large number of hits I get on the BIAP post).

The purpose of posting the video is to, as I explained to the friend in private email, highlight the difference between realities. The differences between the corporate AAR and the Yeager AAR are interesting, but not something I will get into. This is something for you to see and read yourself. Many, especially the mainstream media, ask what our government is thinking by allowing it and who is really benefiting from the war?

There are two critical questions here and "what is our government thinking" is one. First, what was the government thinking? The military wanted more forces and the Administration said no. We had enough to win the war but not enough to win the peace. While some may argue this was a difference of opinion in defining war (see comments), it is an issue of defining and understanding purpose and goals.

The purpose of changing the "regime" required a force to maintain order post-conflict. It required civil affairs and "reconstruction" crews to move in immediately to maintain or impose order, as the situation dictated. As we saw post-Katrina, it is too easy for civil society (and we’re supposedly more civil than Iraq) to breakdown in the absence of basic services and not meeting basic needs.

Keep in mind that criminal and power-hungry elements were able to seize power in the vacuum we created. Why were the military leaders, present and former, including General Shinseki and General Wesley Clark, ignored? Why is some 25% of the reconstruction budget spent on private security?

The roots of this quandary, as I see it, may be found in the increasing civil-military relations divide in the United States. Far from the President not visiting Dover and Rumsfeld using a signature machine to sign condolence letters, we have Executive and Legislative branches increasingly separated from the military. The success of the Administration to hide the effects of the war from the public and allow us to keep watching baseball and football, fill up our Hummers, and bet on March Madness without distraction means ignoring the nearly 2,500 KIA and nearly 20,000 wounded. But that does not explain the use of private military forces to provide security for "persons, places, or things".

Most often the accountability point is placed on the table as the primary reason for the US to field, or allow the fielding of private military force. Sometimes the first point raised is avoidance of what’s been referred to as the Dover Test: the test the President and his policies goes through when a flag-draped coffin lands at Dover Air Force Base. Those pictures don’t happen unless an airman snaps an illegal photo of the coffins. This isn’t the place to delve deeper into the reasons, but one might suggest obfuscation of the security dilemma created by the White House strategy (against the advice of some military strategists) and the ability to deploy security forces to the benefit of some and without Congressional or military oversight that would accompany ‘public’ force deployments. One might also suggest over-extension as a contributing factor.

The result is more important than the reason. Operating with the explicit permission of the USG, the use of private military companies are more than the tool of American foreign policy, they are conducting foreign policy at (too often) their own discretion and under their own rules. Their actions are, also too often, represent face of the United States government and society. In other words, this is foreign policy and public diplomacy by proxy.

Even if one disputes the
Clausewitzian notion that war is "not merely an act of policy but a
true political instrument, a continuation of political intercourse,
carried on with other means", the local population on the ground
invariably see the force, public or private, as representative of
American force, and by extension American foreign policy.

So why not increase the ‘public’ force to provide this security? Besides the above stated reasons of why PMCs were initially engaged in such large numbers, the White House was concerned about the perception, this would create in, mostly, if not exclusively, the US. Keep the numbers the same or similar through stop-loss was better than deploying more troops. Remember the arguments against deploying more then look at troop deployment figures.

PMCs, like ERSM, provide a service the Administration did not want to provide through the military. Whether or not ERSM, Blackwater and other firms did all that was possible or reasonable to prevent tragedy is ultimately the result of failed oversight. If a military unit failed to properly plan, provision, or execute, there would be repercussions. The implicit firewall between PMC and State and DoD both encourages distance and discourages adequate oversight to prevent and punish failures. This firewall doesn’t have to exist. As the client, contracts can be written to require certain standards of performance, excellence, and punishment. However, there is a long history to tell us how relationships with defense contractors will go. This isn’t true of all contractors, but it can happen too often and just as often, arguments over the use of PMCs fail to consider the fact the USG has the right and obligation to faithfully execute our foreign policy and conduct public diplomacy to protect and advance our country.

When ERSM does not provide armored vehicles and Blackwater does not provide a fifth or six gunner and possibly violates OPSEC by asking directions at a hotel, the fallout is on the United States even if the White House and Rumsfeld and Rice wants to refer to the deceased as "only" contractors. But they do refer to them only as contractors and fail to acknowledge their contribution to our image overseas, let alone in theater. 

The bulk of the PSC operators are good, well intentioned (and experienced) guys. The bulk of the PSCs operating in Iraq are unknown to the general global citizen / observer because they fly low and avoid the radar. Unfortunately, bad things happen and PSDs are there with limited reserves / support and it seems sometimes the corporate drive interferes with the military mission. It probably happens more often. Sometimes they’re lucky and sometimes not.

Just a few thoughts. The video isn’t exciting, it’s sad. Good men die what may have been preventable deaths.

Shadow Company movie review

Later this month in Texas, the movie Shadow Company will make its debut at the South by Southwest Film Festival. Self-described as a “ground breaking investigative” documentary, Shadow Company explores the origins and “destinations” of private security contractors (PSCs).

Back in January, Onnesha Roychoudhuri interviewed Nick Bicanic, Shadow Company’s director and co-founder of the production company putting the movie out. If you haven’t read the interview, you should.

Not to be redundent with Roychoudhuri, I asked Nick why he made Shadow Company.

"I decided to make this film because I could see that the Rules of War have changed. There was a relevant message about modern warfare that did not come across in other media. While wars are more and more in the public eye – they are also more and more in private hands. Thousands of private security contractors – soldiers for hire – were working in Iraq and I wanted to find out a number of things about them. What exactly do they do? What kind of people are they? What motivates them to do it?"

There are two interwoven themes in the movie. The first is a description and history of mercenaries. The second is the role of private military companies (PMCs), focusing on the subset of private security companies (PSCs), in modern conflict.

This movie will open some eyes, as it should. When you see the movie, go in with an open mind. Afterwards, consider investigations of corruption and bad behavior of firms like AEGIS, CusterBattles and financial improprieties from KBR, etc. The incident with the Blackwater contractors in Fallujah is discussed, but understandably not included is a lawsuit alleging a corporate penny pinching contributed to or allowed the incident to happen in the first place. Also keep in mind that of the dozens and dozens of firms operating in Iraq today, you’ve heard of only a few.

Will you be swayed for or against privatization of war zone duties? According to Nick, an early test screening was polarized: half of the audience felt the movie was biased for PMCs and the other half saw a movie biased against PMCs.

I would have complicated the survey if I were in that early test audience. To me, the movie showed a failure in usage and control. The powers that be intentionally grant too much autonomy to corporate entities and assume the mantle of responsibility is on the company. Nick does a great job in showing how PMCs operate at arms-length from the military; the US Armed Forces are hardly seen or referenced.

Delegation of authority is done without consideration of lost accountability. Academic debate over PSCs frequently begins or quickly gets to issues of accountability. This movie, however, hints at a deeper implicit, if not explicit, leeway USG grants the PSCs. It also highlights the US’s reliance on PSCs, which you, as the viewer, should judge as appropriate or not.

Engaging companies with poor and unsatisfactory track records, even tainted leadership, indicate bad policy. The choice to allow AEGIS to “fail upward” is, in my opinion, central to understanding the impact of PMCs.

Rarely, if ever, discussed is the impact PMCs have on our overall mission, which isn’t military. Interviews with Robert Young Pelton touch on this and the insurgent interview nails it.

If you saw Gunner Palace (see it if you haven’t) and saw a movie about inappropriate staffing (cannon-cockers working missions they weren’t trained for), you’ll probably see what I’m talking about in Shadow Company.

Overall, the film is well-done and thought provoking and does a good job distinguishing between mercenaries and PMCs, which too many people still can’t fathom. Interviews with Robert Young Pelton and Cobus Claassens, and the voice over by Oxford-grad James (an Operator), were excellent.

When you see this movie, ask yourself “What is the real impact of PMCs?” If you’re not concerned after watching the film, you weren’t paying attention.

Technorati Tags:
Shadow Company,
Iraq,
Mercenary,
PMC,
Current Affairs,
Politics,
Security,
GWOT,
Public Diplomacy

PMC Fraud: Tip of the Iceberg?

Briefly, the Custer Battles lawsuit will likely be an eye opener for many. The Iraq war has been a watershed in the outsourcing of not just tangible assets and roles the military used to provide for itself (meals, logistics) but intangibles also. The role of private military companies in the war, from pre-deployment training to site security to force and VIP/"nation building contractors" protection, are part of the soft power of the United States.

Continue reading “PMC Fraud: Tip of the Iceberg?

ICRC and PMCs

News brief as I continue to clear out the drafts linking in the to be posted file. This one is an item off the ICRC website from 2004.  

Private security firms are an established feature of the 21st century war landscape, working for states, corporations and even NGOs. The ICRC is stepping up contacts with these companies, to ensure that they know and respect international humanitarian law.

PMCs and CONUS

News brief for those not aware, private military companies deployed to New Orleans (continental US or "CONUS") and the environs after Katrina. This was generally not covered by the mainstream media, but the blogosphere and alternative press did. This article is on the tamer side of the alternative coverage. MSM (mainstream media) on the other hand, was almost sterile:

The mission is to guard against looters, not fend off coordinated insurgent attacks. But the presence of the highly trained specialists represents an unusual domestic assignment for a set of companies that has chiefly developed in global hot spots where war, not nature, has undermined the rule of law….

Although it’s not likely to become a major source of business, private-sector firms that specialize in rapid response to dangerous situations probably can have more of a role in a domestic disaster’s wake, said Doug Brooks, president of the International Peace Operations Association, a trade group.

Blackwater advertised for people to work NO in their newsletter 19 September 2005: "Blackwater USA has an immediate need for Security Professionals for the New Orleans area. Interested candidates must posses the following…"

[Note: doing some housecleaning in the posting list… this broke back in Sept 05]

Consultants Advisory Group (CAG) as UN PMC?

Kathryn Cramer has an interesting post on Consultants Advisory Group (CAG),what it is apparently doing in Haiti under UN contract, its new
Panamanian location (to hide from US? media? Kathryn?), arrests of
somebody with diplomatic immunity, use of TopCat boats, and more. This
almost reads like spy novel. Given how poorly the TopCat and Somalia deal was structured, the use of an Emoryville address, etc. it is hard to not suspect the at times bumbling ways of CAG.

Kathryn’s post…

covers
a lot of ground, ranging from a mysterious company owned by US ex-pats
placing spies disguised as journalists in the audience of Haitian
presidential debates, to CAG arranging for the detention of people who
wrote to me to ask for information about CAG and complain about CAG’s
involvement in human rights violations in Haiti. So bear with me. This
is my second post about CAG, and part of an ongoing series on Top Cat
Marine Security.

Is TopCat really in “mobilization”?

From Kathryn Cramer comes a tasty bit of news that the BBC wasn’t actually wrong when it said Top Cat Marine Security was in a “mobilisation phase”. From Ms Kathryn Cramer:

[a] company that builds boats identical to Top Cat’s seems to have set up shop in Panama

Panama is a nice place to hide. A commentator on Kathryn’s site says Casini, if it is Top Cat, can’t hide in Panama because ITAR can still reach Pete, he being a US citizen and all. I don’t think that is why he’s hiding out. The US State Department’s “cease & desist” is still a fuzzy red herring to me until I actually see something. The more I ponder this, the more it seems USG was involved. As I said in the past, somebody should have been fired for selecting Top Cat Marine security as cover. More to come for sure.

Update: Blackwater Air goes lighter than Air

Artist rendering of the Blackwater BlimpBlackwater USA is a prominent, and possibly cutting edge, private military contractor. The only private firm with air resources (side note, they’ve taken casualties… one was shot down last April with fatalities) will expand into remotely piloted craft:

Blackwater Airship’s initial focus will be the development and deployment of small remotely piloted airship vehicles (RPAVs) that can operate from 5,000 – 15,000 feet, move and hover, and stay aloft for up to four days. The airships will be equipped with state-of-the-art surveillance and detection equipment that can detect, record, and communicate in real time to friendly forces the movement and activities of terrorists.

Gary Jackson, president of Blackwater USA said, "This project is in keeping with Blackwater’s support of peace and security throughout the world."

Follow-on phases of the project will include larger airships that will carry tons of payload in support of remote humanitarian and peacekeeping missions. Blackwater, who is already involved in stability operations throughout the world, continues to innovate in support of peace and security, and freedom and democracy everywhere.

Personnel provider expanding into vehicles, blimps:

The Moyock -based company has established a subsidiary, Blackwater
Airships, to market a blimp that can hover over dangerous areas and detect trouble ahead. Together with an armored vehicle called the “Grizzly,” the company is expanding beyond its usual stock and trade of personnel and tactical gear.

The belief that private enterprise can provide services quicker and at lower cost than public enterprises is rooted in the American corporate experience. In the distant past, private armories and outfitters developed independent armies for hire by the Crown because of insufficient funds to maintain a standing army or navy (most recently in the American experience consider Jefferson gutting the US Navy when he came into office forcing a greater reliance on American privateers during the War of 1812). In the modern economy, it may be that on its face private providers can deliver at lower cost, but this may not be a true net cost savings. when the entire package is factored in.

Consider the value of military procurement when the two options are private firms or public agencies and the private pitch is high efficiency at a lower face value than public agencies. Not included in this first level of analysis is the loyalty and trust of the public agency, for example the US Marine Corps and soldiers on kitchen duty. Additionally, dollar for dollar comparisons oversimplify long-term costs of private markets which fail to be perfectly competitive with hidden and substantial transactional costs. Hidden costs of the private-public partnership include higher finance costs (the government can always can borrow money at lower rates), vendor incentives to skimp on quality or adhere to the letter of the contract not the spirit, future public costs to return outsourced skills in-house, and transactional costs of writing, enforcing, and monitoring contracts. Most important is a lack of committed loyalty to the project or consequences of under-performing. Further, the private business may seek contractually-allowed alternatives when uncertainty is likely in any war situation when other outcomes are desired by the client. This, along with unpredictability of warfare, results in expensive cost-plus contracts.

Ok, regardless of the perceived or real contract costs, there are other non-monetary value to PMCs. With the question of a PMC / PSC providing their own air support, the PSC becomes more capable of operating independently in a greater variety of operational environments with greater capabilities (intel, fire control, etc). Will a PSC acquire and operate their own (not on behalf of the USG) UAVs? UGVs? How do we, if we do, distinguish between Tim Spicer and Gary Jackson run operations? How about the other firms who operately quietly and under the radar? How are moral codes enforced?

Press release available here and WashingtonPost article here.

Update: Blackwater Lawsuit Details and Other Thoughts

Some quick notes on the lawsuit against Blackwater stemming from the brutal desecration of four contractors in Fallujah back in March 2004. The deaths of Stephen S. Helvenston, Mike R. Teague, Jerko Gerald Zovko, and Wesley J.K. Batalona is winding its way through the courts. Mercury News includes critical issues in an Aug 2005 article:

Blackwater contracted with ESS Support Services Worldwide to guard food shipments to U.S. bases in Iraq. According to the lawsuit, the contract called for security teams to have two armored vehicles and a minimum of six people, as well as a heavy machine gun that could fire up to 850 rounds a minute.

The four men who died were sent out in unarmored vehicles, without the heavy machine gun and without a map and got lost, the lawsuit said. Having lacked time to become familiar with their weapons or routes around Fallujah, they went directly through the violent city.

I had been personally told there was supposed to be a fifth man on the mission watching the rear approach.

Corpwatch has a little detail and analysis.

The lawsuit alleges that one week before the deaths, Blackwater fired a project manager who had insisted that the contractors use armored vehicles. Eliminating the armored vehicles saved Blackwater $1.5 million, the lawsuit says.

Nope, no other comment from me on this at this time besides the obvious framing of the issue. This is about the level of (combat) service provided by a private corporation in a war zone. This is not about accountability (MEJA, UCMJ, ICC, etc) or prisoner status (Geneva Conventions, Mercenary Status… see
PMC Hostages in Colombia
).

I have mentioned elsewhere that Blackwater requires an oath of allegiance of its employees for United States’ paid missions. While this is a step in fudging the difference between private and public military force, the company (like any other private military / security company… it is not my intention to single out Blackwater) is still for-profit, still outside of military control, a vendor to the civilian leadership (there is at most a dotted line to the military leadership, although they have the power to impact the private forces through a variety of means besides arrest, assistance, etc), and less frequently infused with US Armed Forces trained and indoctrinated professional soldiers. These four contractors killed in allegedly died in part because a fifth man for rear cover to save money did not provide adequate situational intelligence and did not allow the contractors to become familiar with the territory.

The decision of a private military force to withdraw from a combat zone because of rising interest rates, leverage for contract negotiations, or loss of the contract may seriously damage and reduce military capacity with virtual impunity. Outsourcing to private parties shortens the decision making horizon into immediate “commercial concerns and lobbying rather than real gains to the nation and citizens” that encourage the use of companies that “lack verification and mandatory evaluation safeguards to deliver promised results”.

Technorati Tags: PMC, Blackwater, Iraq

Update: PSC Snipers in Iraq

If you have not seen this yet, I had posted a link in an earlier post to a video clip of a PSC sniper in Iraq. The video has impact. The video is of private security troops interdicting hostile enemy targets (i.e. insurgents / terrorists) from a rooftop in Iraq may be taken place in April 2004 (Sadr’s Rebellion). The firing position may be CPA headquarters.

Two other stories on snipers in Iraq…

The first one is on a successful SAS operation, Marlborough.

The second is a record sniper shot in Iraq by a US soldier in theatre.

More details are available on both ops, but I have decided not to post them because they do not help validate the value of long range interdiction and simply jeopordize opsec.

Technorati Tags: PMC, PSC, SAS, Iraq, Sniper

PMC “Hostages” in Colombia

Like a VH1 show, we’ve got to ask where are the three PMC hostages, held since Feb 2003, now? These guys — Tom Howes, Marc Gonsalves, and Keith Stansell — have been neglected by the USG under the "theory" they are private citizens. The GWOT in the Colombian sphere falls under the sub-heading "War on Drugs" and is nearly completely outsourced. The financial aid to Colombia to target drug production etc is largely done through private military contracts. Information on these three guys is sparse, to say the least. A Dec 2005 item on CNN disappeared and had to be retrieved via GoogleCache.

The State department has not "forgotten" about these guys. Just recently in Feb 2005 they reiterated a commitment to demanding their release. On 27 June 2005 the State Department spokesman was asked about these three men. Here’s the entirety of the Q&A on it:

QUESTION: On Colombia, please. Colombian FARC Commander Raul Reyes has announced his willingness for peace talks with the U.S. Government, including prisoner exchange. As you maybe know, FARC are holding three U.S. contractors whom they will exchange for — will extradite to U.S. as Sonia and Simon Trinidad.

My question is: Is the U.S. Government going to talk with the FARC?

MR. MCCORMACK: With respect to the three individuals that you mentioned, our view is that we hold the FARC responsible for the welfare and the safety of all the hostages, that they hold the safe recovery of these three men — Keith Stansell, Thomas Howes, Marc Gonsalves — as a top priority of the United States. And I say the names so that it’s important that we not forget. I mean, we are focused on their safe recovery.

And with respect to — with respect to our policy about making concessions to terrorists, that policy remains unchanged. We do not.

Information is hard to find on these poor guys. After being shot down, there was a short flurry of news activity. Then gone. Then every now and again there’s a snippet of news. Their relationship to CIAO (the current PMC they "work"), possibly the first PMC IPO (admitedly, I may try to get in on that action… PMCs are profitable, for now), is largely ignored.

If anybody has more information on their status, please forward. Hell, they could be free by now, but I doubt it. There is a website apparently dedicated to them, but has not been updated in a while.

This case is not about UCMJ or MEJA, it is about not leaving anybody behind. The military service as an occupation may be exemplified by this. Fortunately, the occupation vs institution theory of Professor Moskos has not been played to its extreme. Not yet but this may be an outlying demonstration.

When considering their plight and how they fit into the big scheme of state vs private war, these guys are referred to as "hostages". Is this because of their theatre of operations? Because of their private status? Because of media attention (lack of)?

Oddly enough, while I had looked into the hostages over a year ago for some research then, nothing other than what I wrote above cropped up. However, a movie about them found its way into my email.

Held Hostage in Colombia

From deep within the Colombian jungle, the exclusive story of three American contractors held hostage since February 2003, and the U.S. Government’s refusal to find a diplomatic way to free them….

Technorati Tags: DynCorp, Columbia, War on Drugs

Update: Blackwater, Alexander Group, and Abramoff

Like I mentioned in my Blackwater lawsuit post, I do not mean to single out Blackwater in my discussions of the impact of private military companies. Perhaps they figure more prominetely because they are front-runners in legitimizing themselves and the industry. Through requiring an oath to emulate the “professional soldier class”, creating their own memorial to fallen camrades, and the natural growth into complimentary services, Blackwater is perhaps the poster child of the private security industry. Their activities is becoming more public with the recent (one week old now because I though I published this, didn’t, so now I’m rev’ing and posting) connection of Blackwater to Alexander Strategy Group and Abramoff. Blackwater engaged ASG apparently after the Fallujah incident in March 2004.

Blackwater USA, a private security company contracted by the Coalitional Provisional Authority (CPA) to protect its personnel in Iraq, has tapped the Alexander Strategy Group to help shape the company’s response after four employees were murdered by a mob in Fallujah last month. Blackwater encountered more problems when eight of its contractors, along with U.S. Marines and Salvadoran troops, fought hundreds of Iraqi insurgents in Najaf.

See video of PSC sniper likely in Najaf during this operation against Sadr’s militia

From Bloomberg linking ASG with Group W with Cunningham 9 (a link I feared when the Cunningham story broke… buried in a TopCat Marine Security / Horn of Africa posting last year… you’ll have to scroll down near the end and the suspicion that the TopCat contract may be linked to a payola scheme):

Alexander Strategy’s links to lawmakers are an outgrowth of a decade-long effort by DeLay, 58, to force lobbying firms to hire more Republicans, who can
direct corporate money to the party. The system, known as “DeLay Inc.” or “the K Street Project,” has fueled a surge of money in politics, and critics
say it has also created the potential for greater corruption.

“Alexander Strategy Group is really part of DeLay Inc. and Abramoff Inc.,” said Melanie Sloan, a former federal prosecutor who now heads Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, an ethics watchdog group. “There have been some aggressive prosecutors trying to unravel those ties. I am sure that Alexander Strategy is going to have more than Tony Rudy as a problem when this is over.”

One of the biggest clients Alexander landed was Group W Advisors, a San Diego-based defense consultant. The company is owned by Brent Wilkes, a businessman who is one of the four un- indicted co-conspirators in a Nov. 28 criminal complaint for allegedly bribing Cunningham, his lawyer, Michael Lipman, told USA Today. Cunningham pleaded guilty and resigned his House seat on Nov. 28.

Alexander took in at least $525,000 in fees from 2002 to 2004 from Group W to lobby on defense appropriations. Those appropriations are among the legislative favors Cunningham gave to receive his gifts, according to the former lawmaker’s plea agreement. It isn’t clear what role, if any, Alexander strategists had. Lipman didn’t return a call seeking comment.

Other background on Blackwater and support for the Bush Administration (besides reading the informative Blackwater Tactical Weekly… which I recommend and hopefully they don’t unsubscribe me from).

Also the WashingtonPost article on ASG looking to expand beyong PMCs and to rep the trade association, International Peace Operations Association.

Technorati Tags: PMC, Blackwater, Alexander Strategy Group, Abramoff, Iraq